In a 30-second ad released over the weekend, U.S. Rep. Andy Barr — running for Sen. Mitch McConnell’s Senate seat — is pictured on a farm. The sun is shining. There is a barn and an American flag behind him. “You know what DEI really stands for?” he says, smiling. “Dumb, evil, indoctrination.”
The scene shifts and we see a black man in a crowd. He is wearing a Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. t-shirt and holding up a sign that reads “Stay woke America.”
“Woke liberals spew it,” Barr says, “corporate losers fall for it, but thanks to Trump, America is rejecting that trash.”
An interesting choice for the Barr campaign to release the ad on the heels of President Donald Trump’s racist social media post (which was primarily about debunked claims of voter fraud) depicting former President Barack Obama and his wife as apes, an image I first became aware of last October when Bobbie Coleman, then-chairperson of the Hardin County Republican Party, shared the extended AI video depicting the Obamas as apes on her county party’s Facebook page.
The Barr ad was likely already scheduled for release, but ads can be pulled. The ad ran and continues to run. The YouTube version already has 297,000 views as of this writing, and it must be noted that we are now a decade deep into Trumpism and Trump himself, whose presidential aspirations were initially fueled by his insistence that Obama did not have an American birth certificate and was, therefore, not American.
It was a lie. It was racist hogwash. It also launched Trump from elderly white billionaire New York City playboy reality show host, known for his bankruptcies and stiffing of contractors, straight into the White House.
The high spark of low standards and even lower morality.
Trump continues to lie about the 2020 election results (he lost) and is pushing for the anti-immigrant SAVE Act that also would exclude many citizens from voting. It reminds me that in 1965 — the year the Voting Rights Act, prohibiting racial discrimination in voting, was signed into law — Joan Didion in “On Morality” wrote “when we start deceiving ourselves into thinking not that we want something or need something, not that it is a pragmatic necessity for us to have it, but that it is a moral imperative that we have it, then is when the thin whine of hysteria is heard in the land, and then is when we are in bad trouble. And I suspect we are already there.”
Watching Barr’s most recent ad inflaming white hysteria, we see that we are still there: stuck in the past, stuck in racist tropes, stuck in an immoral morass of bold bigotry. The last words of his 30-second ad for a U.S. Senate seat are, “I’m Andy Barr. It’s not a sin to be white, it’s not against the law to be male, and it shouldn’t be disqualifying to be a Christian. I’m Andy Barr, and I approve this message to give woke liberals something else to cry about.”
I am white and have never heard that it is a sin for me to be white. I have yet to see anyone crying. Is there a law somewhere against being male? Funny, I can’t seem to locate it. And when did it become disqualifying to be Christian? The answer is … drumroll, please … never. What a fantastical farce.
I watched Barr’s ad more than a dozen times, and the central message seems to be: I am a white Christian man who will make liberals cry.
That’s it?
Is this a winning message for Kentucky Republican primary voters? Because it sure looks like this — not the economy or grocery prices, not the cost of health insurance, not education, not public safety or taxes or conservatism — is what Barr is banking on.
We often hear that, just because someone voted for Donald Trump, it does not mean that they are racist, that they are simply willing to ignore that the president is openly racist because he is a conservative doing conservative things. But this is also a lie. Conservatives, by name and nature, conserve things, and with what we have witnessed over the last year of the Trump presidency with the destruction of everything from the East Wing of the White House to the U.S. Agency for International Development and other American institutions via DOGE, there is nothing conservative about him. There is only the power to destroy. And the racism. Always the racism.
It is 2026. Barr runs an ad in which he appears to believe simply being white and male qualifies him to be a United States senator. The president posts a video about voting machines depicting the Obamas as apes. In our statehouse, we are now years into fights by our mostly white, mostly male GOP supermajority to rid our institutions of any whiff of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI).
The first thing my wife heard me say was “I’m a Leo, so I don’t believe in astrology.” She’s a Scorpio, and that’s her constellation, above another of my affections, the Walnut Grove tower farm in California’s central valley. Left to right, the towers are 2,049, 2,000, 1,549, 524, and 1,997 feet tall and transmit all of Sacramento’s TV stations.
Happy Valentines Life
My favorite line from the musical Les Misérables is “To love another person is to see the face of God.” My wife and I have been living that truth since not long after we met, thirty-six years ago.
Towers
I love to look at them, know what they’re for, and (many decades ago) climb them. Places where I write about towers and post photos of them:
• Trunk Line, my blog about infrastructure
• Nfrastructure, my Flickr collection of infrastructure photos (most of which are about broadcasting and transmitters)
• This subset on my main Flickr collection
• All these (121 of them), posted on this very blog
Consider all of them a long love letter to the now-gone golden age of broadcasting. I want future historians and archivists to remember what broadcasting was and how it worked before digital tech absorbed and obsolesced it. Long may it wave.
My old friend David Beaver, vastly versed in magic, has a new Substack that riffs off many ways that magic isn’t what you think it is. And yet it has near-infinite promise in the AI age, when falsity on a grand scale passes damn near every variant of the Turing test.
In September 2025, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene posted a very strange tweet:
This tweet came as MTG was pushing for the release of the Epstein files, and was one of only a few Republicans supporting the discharge petition to get a vote on forcing their release.
And now, our own Thomas Massie has felt the need to also tell the world that he is not, in fact, suicidal.
More than one source has said that Massie and his office have received an increasing number of threats, including death threats and threats to his family.
All because he, and MTG, and a few others, were brave enough to stand up and say “Release the files. All of them.”
For a member of Congress — a Republican member of Congress — to feel the need to make such a statement publicly is just gobsmacking.
By pushing for the entire sordid Epstein episode to come out, Massie and others have become a threat to some very powerful people. And some of those people have the means to do something about that threat.
Let us all hope and pray that (a) none of these threats come to fruition, that (b) all the truth about the Epstein Class is finally revealed, and that (c) we can pull our politics and our nation back to some level of shared humanity.
Professor Sara Silverstein is someone to whom I listen on issues of health and history. This essay helps us to situate the present American health drama in the history of health care, and thereby to see much more clearly what we face. It draws from her forthcoming book For Your Health and Ours: An Eastern European History of Global Health. Professor Silverstein is currently at work on her next book, provisionally entitled Corporal Capitalism.
Consumptive Capitalism, by Sara Silverstein
Until very recently, tuberculosis was common, expensive, and lethal in the United States. It defined the lives and brought the deaths of many of the people who created our world. We have forgotten about all this because antibiotics, public health, and improved living conditions have largely erased the disease.
The current administration’s health policy rests on nostalgia rather than knowledge. It romanticizes a harsh past, a time when few and desperate choices were available to Americans. Because all that was available then was hope, many suffered for the profit of the wellness industry of the day. A few portraits of life with the disease can help us to imagine, and perhaps to prevent, a return to such profiteering.
In the cold central European winter of 1904, a young Polish political thinker called Kazimierz Kelles-Krauz visited a sanatorium in the Tyrol to treat his tuberculosis. He had been sick for a year and this was his second visit to the mountains. The sanatorium had a routine: resting and eating, taking the air and taking exercise. He would also try creams, compresses, and injections. He would go home after two months, still sick, only to enter another sanatorium in the summer.
Treatments in sanatoria gave him hope. But they were expensive and he and his wife struggled to afford them. His family was poor, but generally made ends meet until his illness. There was no cure for tuberculosis. The medical advice of the time was to dedicate yourself to building your general constitution. An entire industry, centered on the sanatorium, grew up around the tubercular patient’s expensive efforts to recover.
Franz Kafka also spent years chasing hope in sanatoria. At a low point in 1921, he described the sanatorium as a place where “the torture goes on for years, with pauses for effect so that it will not go too quickly, and – the unique element – the victim himself is compelled by his own will, out of his own wretched inner self, to protract the torture.” Hope was the problem. The unpredictable course of the disease, the sense that a recent improvement just might be related to the treatment, drew people in and drew people back. Kafka pursued the relentless hope that the next sanatorium would enable him to live his life with more strength and less pain. We associated the word “Kafkaesque” mainly with politics; this might be because we have forgotten about tuberculosis.
Tuberculosis, known in the past as consumption, has infected somewhere between one-quarter and one-third of all humans ever, and it possibly infected more than ninety percent of the population in industrializing countries during its peak in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Not everyone who is infected develops an active disease. Whether they become sick depends partly on social and economic conditions that affect the immune system. Only about a fifth of those people who became sick recovered permanently and absolutely before the discovery of modern antibiotics. And of course tuberculosis is only one of the infectious diseases that once caused a vast portion of the population to live with chronic illness and disability.
The experiences of Kafka and Kelles-Krauz were normal. Illness was normal. And so basic historical fact casts a bitterly absurd light on Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s “Make America Healthy Again” (MAHA) slogan. Americans, MAHA leadership tells us, live with unprecedented rates of chronic disease. This is a misrepresentation – a counting phantom that arises from longer lives, more careful recording, and omitting historical sources of chronic disease. Offering solutions that reject science and public health pushes us backwards into a past of shorter lives and more variety in lethal illness. This is perverse.
MAHA seduces with the notion that America, having been healthy once, can be healthy again. They paint a picture of a time before medical science intervened in the “natural” course of life. It is an unrealistic picture, indeed a deadly picture. It was a time when the only choice for people who contracted tuberculosis, such as Kafka and Kelles-Krauz, was to concentrate on their health by immersing themselves in nature.
Kelles-Krauz spent two years in and out of sanatoria in the mountains and forests of Tyrol and then Galicia, in what is now western Ukraine. He missed his young daughter and hoped to build up his health enough to spend more time with her – and to continue his work for social and political change. But he knew that his tuberculosis would likely kill him. He died from the disease in the summer of 1905.
The greatest modern Ukrainian writer, Lesya Ukrainka, was a contemporary of Kafka and Kelles-Krauz. A poet, dramatist, and chronicler of dreams of freedom, she contracted tuberculosis of the bone as a child. Tuberculosis most frequently affects the lungs but it can infect other parts of the body. It attacked Kafka’s larynx, eventually making it extremely painful for him to swallow and causing him to starve to death in 1924. This was a natural course of life before vaccines and antibiotics. It happened quite often.
Lesya Ukrainka lived in pain. She underwent surgery to amputate affected fingers as a child, then concealed the stumps from photographers for the rest of her life. She traveled to sanatoria in Ukraine, Europe, Egypt, and the Caucasus. The limits of her body made her wry, determined, and empathetic. She loved nature, despite everything, as a glimpse through a window or breath of sea air. “In all the forest there is nothing mute,” she wrote in 1911. The rustling of the forest echoed the fluttering of hope and elusive health.
With no cure for tuberculosis, a growing industry offered uncertain treatments and promoted lifestyle changes. By the late nineteenth century, health resorts (sanatoria) capitalized on the disease known as consumption. The industry began in the 1850s with the work of a German doctor in a town that is part of present-day Poland. His sanatorium was the model for the first in the United States, at Saranac Lake in the Adirondacks. Soon, sanatoria could be found on the Danish shores of the North Sea, in the rolling hills of the English countryside, in the forests of Germany, and in mountains from the Urals to the Rockies.
The sanatorium was something like a cross between a hospital and a hotel. There was medical staff and medical interventions could occur. Surgically collapsing a lung was one of the more common drastic treatments. But many people went to the sanatorium for its natural lifestyle and reassuring routines.
Yet somehow “nature” was very expensive. There were public sanatoria, but they never had enough beds. Kelles-Krauz struggled to pay. Kafka wasn’t able to secure the travel documents to go to his desired sanatorium in Davos, high in the Swiss Alps. A sanatorium was far beyond the means of Gavrilo Princip, a young student and revolutionary who was sick with tuberculosis when he assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand in 1914. Had he been treated, would he have become a revolutionary? Would he have fired that shot?
The great German writer Thomas Mann wrote a novel that turned that Davos sanatorium and its patients into a commentary on a decaying European society. Mann knew the Davos tuberculosis industry through visits to his consumptive wife. In The Magic Mountain, he recorded the sanatorium’s wellness rituals and calculated the costs. There were blankets and clothing necessary for resting in the fresh air and taking the prescribed exercise, there was the thermometer that would allow you to measure your own temperature, there were special foods, and recommended creams and injections. The ethos was that you would spend money if you cared about your own health.
We are familiar with the money to be made from a jittery hope for health. In our time, about a hundred years later, the wellness industry in the United States reached more than $2 trillion. It repeats the recommendations of the consumption sanatorium, including nutrition and special diets, exercise, clean air, personal hygiene, and skin care. You can even travel to a luxury health retreat in Austria that promises to introduce you to the lifestyle for a healthier you – following in the footsteps of Kelles-Krauz, Kafka, and Ukrainka but treating a taste for sugar rather than a tuberculosis infection.
Some of the media techniques are new, although the psychological appeal is the same. Worry about being ill, and spend money to show that you care. Wearables and apps advise routines for eating and exercise and maximizing the value of sleep. Dietary supplements alone account for a $69 billion market. Subscription services guide you through weight loss or a nutritious diet. Influencers promote their favorite wellness products and routines. The wellness industry makes a virtue of investing financially in your health, suggesting that the virtue of prevention is only accessible to people who can afford it. And surely you can afford to spend more on yourself?
To be sure, nothing is more important than health, and Americans can certainly use more exercise and nutritious food. The wellness industry provides resources that are useful for many people. But the profit motive tends to promote anxiety about health rather than the thing itself, creating more demand rather than delivering satisfying solutions. It does nothing about problems of access – precisely the opposite.
At the extreme, following this logic, a wellness industry seeking profit would naturally undermine the government’s responsibility for safeguarding the health of the entire population. It would sabotage efforts to reimagine equal and inexpensive access to healthcare in the United States, and reject the possibility for future advances in medical science.
MAHA leadership builds its community and sows distrust in medical science by pointing to the pharmaceutical industry’s profit motive. They warn the profit motive makes everyone involved in pharmaceuticals unscrupulous, pumping your body full of unproven vaccines that are unnecessary since you are not even sick yet. Their answer is to build up your constitution to prevent illness or to address chronic conditions.
The wellness industry is receiving a boost from RFK Jr. and MAHA. They advocate a return to nature and the natural and portray the wellness industry’s consumerism as a way for people to take control of their own bodies, breaking free from the medical industry. The imperative to be responsible for your own body places an imperative on you to buy ever more. Embrace consumption – build your health by buying.
Tuberculosis killed Lesya Ukrainka in 1913, thirty years before the discovery of the first antibiotic that would contribute to curing tuberculosis. Antibiotics were a revolution in how people lived their lives. Davos emptied, leaving its remote but expensive hotels and shops open for the world’s business and political elite. Today, pharmaceutical company executives travel to Davos each January for the World Economic Forum. To be sure, they too are motivated by profit. But unlike sanatoria, antibiotics do cure tuberculosis.
MAHA, were it a serious movement, would criticize capitalism, or at least the bloated “health sector” of the American economy. And that would be the right target. But MAHA is not a social movement but a capitalist faction, or an ad campaign, seeking to divert profits from one set of businesses to another. MAHA leadership criticizes the pharmaceutical industry’s profit motives in order to promote the wellness industry, which of course also operates according to the profit motive.
By directing its energies against a competitor, MAHA worsens the problem. By dodging the basic issue – that instead of a strong public health system we have commercial medicine – it only strengthens and consolidates the status quo it claims to be critiquing. Then, to make matters worse, it undermines belief in practices that do in fact work, in the present flawed system, to prevent suffering and save lives. And so it creates a situation in which reform is less likely and epidemics are more so.
The MAHA attack on government can disable the only institutions that can implement certain kinds of health policies, and thereby open new sectors of an infectious economy. Antibiotics and vaccines save lives, but only with the support of public education about the body and campaigns for public health. If these are dismantled, bodies suffer, and anxious minds spend money.
MAHA exploits fear and hope in a disheartening echo of the consumption sanatoria industry. But the profiteering of today is far more mendacious than that of the past. A century ago, the tragedy was that only hope was available. Today, forces are at work to artificially recreate that situation, entirely unnecessarily, with profit for the few as an obvious motive.
Tuberculosis is curable, but it remains widespread in parts of the world where the price of pharmaceuticals outstrips the value global capitalism places on life. It is still the leading cause of death by a single infectious disease globally. A serious critique of the pharmaceutical industry would also look beyond the United States, even to where there is no opportunity to divert profits.
Tuberculosis will not be the first epidemic to return to the U.S. Other diseases are much closer. Measles can affect long-term health as well as kill quickly, and we are on the verge of losing our measles elimination status. MAHA depends on the “again,” the fantasy of a better past. But it also depends on the “America,” the notion that we are in some way exceptional. But we are as vulnerable as everyone else without investment in medical science and public health. Valuing profit above life undermines our progress, and doing so under misleading appeals to myth only makes matters worse. The wellness industry will not have a solution for the future’s disease landscape. But health industries will have a vast new market.
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I watched the whole 2026 NBA All-Star games, and they didn’t suck. In fact, they were surprisingly enjoyable. Players cared. (Well, not Jokić and Luka, who seems to be losing his skinny off-season look.) There was real defense. The best team didn’t matter, but it did win.
HA! And you people thought George Wallace was dead.
Don’t panic. The sleazy bigot who served as governor of the sovereign state of Alabama remains six feet under at the Greenwood Cemetery in Montgomery. But his spirit lives on in the person of Garland Hale Barr IV, lovingly known as Andy, the Republican congressman from Lexington who has entered into some sort of Faustian bargain to succeed the retiring Sen. Mitch McConnell.
Andy has a new 30-second ad out promoting his qualifications for the job that displays his true colors.
And that color is White.
It goes without saying that the ad is an embarrassment, since just about everything Andy Barr has done in pursuit of the golden ring thus far is humiliating. This time he conjures up great racists of the past – Jesse Helms, Lester Maddox, and the aforementioned Wallace — to make sure voters fully understand he is the White guy in the race and he is running to represent White folks.
It’s awe inspiring, in this the year of our lord 2026, that Andy, in one ad, can transport us back to the Mississippi of 1957. But give the boy credit. He manages to get the job done.
The ad starts with Barr standing on a field with an old barn, adorned with an American flag, providing a backdrop. The message is direct – he doesn’t much care for diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives, better known as DEI, intended to provide a leg up for marginalized folks who might otherwise be forced to remain on the sidelines because of the color of their skin or gender. Andy’s hero, President-cum-Dictator Donald J. Trump, has waged war against DEI frameworks so you can always count on our boy to follow in lockstep.
“You know what DEI really stands for?’’ Andy innocently asks at the spot’s outset. “Dumb evil indoctrination.’’
Andy, did you come up with that by yourself? What a clever boy!
You see, in Andy’s world, it’s not enough to consider DEI wrongheaded, although you have to wonder what’s so foolish about providing support for individuals who experience racism to this day, who emerge from poor schools and reside in troubled neighborhoods. No – trying to provide some assistance to these beleaguered folks is “evil.’’ Just ask Andy.
Then comes a photo of a protester, presumably in California, a Black man wearing a shirt bearing the image of Martin Luther King Jr., holding a sign that states, “Stay WOKE America.’’
“Woke liberals fuel it, corporate losers fall for it,’’ Barr states. Soon thereafter the ad displays the traditional photo of Barr and Trump, hands clasped above their heads, which might remind you of the old Lisa Loopner phrase, “If you love him so much why don’t you marry him,’’ which is actually legal to do now.
“America has rejected that trash,’’ Barr said. “I’m leading the fight to end it for good.’’
Boy, Andy, whatever would we do without you?
But this whole meshuggeneha raises questions. The Black unemployment rate as of Feb. 5 was at 7.5 percent, 1.4 percent higher than a year earlier. For White folks it’s about 3.8 percent. The latest American Community Survey places the median income for Black households at $55,157 while all households came to $80,734. In Kentucky, according to Nielsberg Research, as of March 1, 2025, Black household income was $45,862 compared to a White household income of $64,547.
According to the American Council on Education, about 52.9 percent of White Americans have attained an associate degree or higher. For Blacks? 39 percent.
Now it doesn’t take someone evil to see an issue here. Black Americans significantly trail White Americans in every socio-economic measure. DEI frameworks were established to help even the playing field by providing opportunities to folks subjugated to centuries of racism, poor educational opportunities, and limited prospects just because they’re Black.
But to Andy, DEI is “evil’’ and “trash.’’
If so, old boy, how do you intend to address and fix these sorts of imbalances that plague Black folks and women? You’re supposed to represent everyone, not just White men, and these people in many instances are in desperate straits.
I think everyone knows exactly what you’re going to do – not a bloody thing. Just let White domination continue unimpeded.
And you know what? That’s racism.
So, why raise this issue? The obvious answer is that, according to the journalism site Stacker.com, 86.7 percent of Kentucky voters are White, compared to 6.8 percent Black.
The arithmetic is pretty clear. But there’s more.
Barr faces two opponents in the Republican Senate primary. One is Lexington businessman Nate Morris, who is running as an outsider and trying to convince voters he’s even more Trumpian than his two foes.
Then there’s Daniel Cameron, who presents a pretty good resume – aide to McConnell, Kentucky attorney general, and the 2023 Republican gubernatorial candidate.
And he’s Black. Barr has just pulled ahead of Cameron in a couple of independent polls. What better way for Andy to provide the coup de grace than make a direct appeal to White voters, essentially proclaiming, “Who’s going to best look after your interests, me or that Black dude?’’
It’s a direct racial hit. It’s not what political folks might call a dog whistle – putting a message out that only the intended audience might hear. It’s a bloody foghorn.
Now, the sad thing is this doesn’t cover the worst part of the ad.
After all the silly DEI rhetoric, Andy adopts the smug look he has perfected and announces, for no obvious reason, “It’s not a sin to be White. It’s not against the law to be male. And it shouldn’t be disqualifying to be a Christian.’’
Oh, Andy. Be careful – you’re ranging dangerously close to Theodore Bilbo territory. The aroma of White Christian male superiority is overwhelming, sorta like what you’d experience standing in the old Fresh Kills landfill on Staten Island on a 100-degree day.
If the idea isn’t to promote White Christian male supremacy, why bring it up? Let’s agree it’s not a sin to be White, unlawful to be male, or disqualifying to be a Christian. Why idolize them above all others? Is it a sin to be Black or brown? Black and brown folks don’t have any greater say in the color of the skin they’re born with than White folks. What makes White folks so special that they get a special call out? Barr is ignoring people of colors other than White, continuing a practice he has maintained since entering public life.
It sure isn’t against the law to be a woman, either, or transgender or a Christian or a Zoroastrian, for that matter. But they just don’t fit into the White Christian male supremacy espoused by Andy Barr.
The nation has been down similar roads with Republican yahoos before. In 1990, Sen. Jesse Helms, no one’s definition of a civil rights advocate, ran a campaign ad against his Democratic opponent, Harvey Gantt, who, as it happens, was Black.
Titled “Hands,’’ it portrays a pair of White male hands crumbling a job rejection letter, with the narrative, “You needed that job, and you were the best qualified. But they had to give it to a minority because of a racial quota. Is that really fair?” All because Gantt supported the Civil Rights Act of 1990, which Helms, an old school racist, referred to as a “racial quota law.’’
Helms won re-election and served until 2003.
Being compared to Jesse Helms is not a compliment.
In the coda at the end of this infamous ad, the Barr declares, “I’m Andy Barr and I approve this message to give woke liberals something else to cry about.’’
Well, I’m dry-eyed right now but I guess I have to plead guilty to being woke, although after all this time I still have no idea what the hell that means. Regardless, at the end of the day, I’d rather be called woke than a racist.
I’ll leave that for you to ponder, Andy.
--30--
&&&
Written by Bill Straub, a member of the Kentucky Journalism Hall of Fame. Cross-posted from the NKY Tribune.
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